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Introduction
The goal of this project is to learn how Boston's bicycle messengers fit into the service sector of the local economy. In essence, to unwind the riddle of why they have lasted through the age of car delivery, the fax machine and email. The fact that they have indicates that bicycle messengers are a necessity in Boston. To gain a detailed understanding of how everything and everyone fit together it will be necessary to compile some basic ethnographic and historic information about the messengers.
Over the course of my research I talked with people about many facets of being a bicycle messenger. Messengers, secretaries, office managers, dispatchers, people from the government. I talked with the Boston Police department, employees at bike shops and companies that make bicycle accessories. I asked a lot of questions of a lot of people and time and time again received one question in return, "Why?" "Why are you studying bike messengers?" That is a very good question. I responded differently to each person that asked. As I rode my bike around Boston I thought a lot about why I am enamored by bicycles and the people who ride them.
My summers working at bike shops alternated with falls, winters, and springs at school. When the time came to decide on a thesis topic for Anthropology I was interested in the culture of bicycles and the people who rode them more than ever. A bicycle had been my primary form of transportation at school for two years. After studying sustainable development and human ecology cycling became important to me for ecological reasons. Compared to other forms of transportation it has very little impact on the environment. Studying bicycle messengers lends itself well to post-modern Anthropology. It is an amalgamation of cultures, technology, ideas, politics, and economics. Messengers have a material culture unique to themselves. Culture clash and conflict is omnipresent. The culture of bicycle messengers needs to be demystified, and their struggles need to be identified, so that they will be appreciated and respected by the business world and the general public.
Coming into this research project I had no idea what my thesis would center around, or if I would even generate a thesis at all. Studying bicycle messengers came out a love for cycling. I had a foggy notion that they were a key component of the business world, so my research proposal stated that I wanted to investigate how they fit into the service economy of Boston. During the second week of my research the Boston Police began to crack down on unlicensed couriers.1 I began to investigate the legal history of messengers. After three weeks of research I had gathered a lot of ethnographic information but had not made any great leaps towards a thesis. I had heard a lot of funny stories and met scores of friendly couriers who were interested in my project.
The stratified class system in Boston encourages solidarity within each social grouping. Lower classes subsist on an underground economy based on reciprocity independent of the corporate upper class. The upper class recognizes this independence and realizes the more freedom the lower class has the less control can be exerted on it. When the upper class flexes its economic muscle the middle class, which runs the government, obliges their needs. The middle class does not have an underground economy, and is therefore dependent upon the upper class. The socio-economic hierarchy is played out when the upper class uses the middle class to pass legislation which restricts the lower class.
The irony of the situation in Boston is that the same people who want to get rid of the couriers rely on them.
This paper will first examine the cultural history of the city of Boston. I will prove that since Boston was settled, its development has reinforced cultural attributes which result in modern day schism. This will be followed by a detailed description of the bicycle messenger community and how their material culture is an important form of self-expression. The three case studies highlight appropriation, subsistence, and hegemony. The first case study examines the consequences of popular culture's appropriation of courier culture. The second investigates the underground economy which messengers and other service workers have created. The third traces the recent history of their legal struggle. The three studies will be tied together to show how class differences and misunderstanding have resulted in culture clash and conflict.
Chapter One
The Cultural History of Boston
The city of Boston is not merely the backdrop for this project; it is an important character. Settled in 1630, it is one of the oldest cities in the United States. Over its three hundred seventy year history, Boston has evolved geographically, developmentally, socially and culturally. Traditions and themes that developed since the seventeenth century have endured. Boston as a living entity. The passage of time has changed its characteristics but vestiges remain. The Puritan values on which it was established are still present in the culture. This is not to say that everyone there is a God fearing church goer. However, bars close earlier in Boston than in many other cities, the city government has a history of nepotism, and class stratification is omnipresent. These and other present day attributes give observers a glimpse into Boston's history; a historical look at Boston will explain why the city operates the way it does today.
In Streetcar Suburbs (1973) Sam Warner examines Boston's growth at the turn of the twentieth century. He focuses on how the development of public transportation effected the growth of metropolitan Boston and the expansion of the suburbs. The development from 1870 to 1900 has remained the dominating influence throughout the past century of growth.
Geography and Topography
Historic Boston is a mere shadow of the modern city. If one laid a land form map of current day Boston over a two hundred year old version the difference would be quite obvious. Through almost four centuries of growth the city has swollen as land was reclaimed for development. However, if a similar comparison was made of two street maps the differences would not be as gross. Boston's oldest streets have remained as new ones were constructed around them.
In the middle of the nineteenth century most of downtown Boston was swamp. No construction could take place on this land, for an economic center the city was underdeveloped, and the large natural port of Boston Harbor was not utilized to its full potential. The swampy fens, for which Fenway Park is named, were scattered from the harbor to the Back Bay. Fortunately the city was relatively hilly (much more than it is today). "Hills were leveled and sea walls built By the 1850's developers...had cut down a good deal of Beacon and other hills" (Warner; 1973: 17). The dirt removed from the once rolling topography was used to fill the swamps. Boston grew into the harbor. Construction flourished on the leveled landscape. This was the process that defined Boston's modern physical features. (Consequently the newly created flatness made Boston an easy place to ride a bicycle.)
Unlike most major cities in the U.S. Boston's streets are not set up on a grid system. This is another characteristic of the city which is tied to the original settlers. Originally the roadways were used as cowpaths to take the herds out to pasture. The paths were narrow and windy. As time moved on most paths were simply paved over and transformed into a network of twisting streets. "Boston's streets were just too narrow to carry all the needed [street]cars" (Warner; 1973: 24). While this statement refers to the development of above ground light rail it foreshadows future problems when the automobile is the city and nation's most common form of transportation.
Today the traffic situation in Boston's metropolitan area is best described in simple terms: it is a mess. Because of their width, more than half of the current downtown streets are one way. To navigate a car one needs an intimate knowledge of the direction of oneway streets, where to find parking, how to circle around a block and end up where one wants to be, and how to avoid a tragic wrong turn and end up on a highway. The drivers in Boston have a notorious reputation for being aggressive and spontaneous. Before I got my driver's license my father told me that the easiest way to describe the "logic" of Boston's drivers is to refer to theory of liquids: any opening or gap is filled as quickly as possible. All Bostonians feel that the streets belong to them. It is a birthright of sorts. Today's car consciousness began with the development of the pedestrian city in 1630 and has been passed from generation to generation.
The Pedestrian City2
Boston's walking culture has been reinforced by the city's growth. Throughout his book, Warner (1973) emphasizes that a city reliant on foot travel must not be larger than the distance that an average adult can walk in an hour. During Boston's first two hundred years of existence this idea was engrained permanently into society. It was etched so deep that it still exists in today's Bostonians. Since 1630 generation after generation have claimed the right to walk where they want. The patterns of development reinforced and maintained the physical manifestation of the pedestrian city.
"Boston [of 1850] was a city of pedestrians" (Warner; 1973: 15). This was before public transportation. As the turn of the century approached the upper classes moved into the less developed areas surrounding downtown. They could build large houses, but they kept a modest residence in the central city. Businessmen would live downtown during the week, within walking distance of their jobs. On the weekends and holidays they would commute by horse or heavy rail into the country.
Entrepreneurs developed streetcar transportation as the suburbs increased in popularity. This allowed people who could not afford two houses to move into the outlying areas of the city. There was more land, so people owned larger plots and built larger houses. They walked to the light rail and made their daily commute into downtown on a streetcar and then walked to their offices. At the turn of the century electronic communication had not become widespread, so face-to-face interaction was still highly valued. "One of the principle contributions of nineteenth century transportation and communication technology was to preserve the centralized communication of the walking city on a vastly enlarged scale" (Warner; 1973: 16).
Eventually property in downtown Boston was either so expensive that only the upper echelon could afford it (e.g. the Back Bay), or it so was so low end that only the poor would reside there. More and more people moved to the suburbs. This area became dominated by the middle and upper classes. "Promoters of these [newly developed suburban] areas, used to the tight scale of the walking city,...wished to re-create the conditions of Boston" (Warner; 1973: 19). This process maintained the pedestrian city and pedestrian mentality as Boston expanded.
"The houses of the central city and the peripheral towns, set as they were on small narrow lots and generally placed against the street, created a town environment of dense settlement. Building in both areas was eminently suited to a city short of land, a city which depended on people's walking for its means of transportation, a city which depended upon face-to-face relationships as its means of communication."
(Warner; 1973: 20-21)
Though the walking city was preserved the importance of face-to-face interaction was lost in recent decades. Streetcars reinforced the walking city because people still had to walk to and from their houses and businesses to the stations. In downtown the most common form of transportation is still feet. However, the popularization of the telephone and subsequent forms of electronic communication undermined the value of face-to-face communication. This is not specific to Boston; it has happened it cities all over the world. Molly O'Meara of the Worldwatch Institute, quoted in Adbusters (Winter 1999, 35),
"'Cities deteriorate when their layouts stifles social interaction: when trivial errands require isolating car commutes; when the rich wall themselves off from the poor; and when public spaces, no longer shared by the people, are so devalued that the interiors of buildings matter more than the exteriors.'"
Boston's physical and social layout separates economic groups. Like most cities in the United States, daily life is focused on consumption of material culture and not the interactions between people. The decline of face-to-face communication is a major factor in the increase of personal anonymity in large cities. Anonymity supplants the feeling of responsibility for one's actions. In the business world people's relative lack of face-to-face communication gives them the anonymity to act without responsibility. In Boston, this lack of responsibility combined with a three hundred year old birthright (to walk wherever one pleases) has produced a jaywalking epidemic. It comes as no surprise that most of downtown Boston's jaywalkers are business people.
Class Stratigraphy and Nepotism
Class issues in Boston run deep. Social stratification has been present since the city was settled in 1630. The past century's development established class boundaries in the metropolitan area. "During the years 1870-1900 one basic pattern organized the whole suburban metropolis: people were separated by income and mixed together with little regard to national origin" (Warner; 1973: 46). A city which is geographically divided by income suffers developmentally because of the lack of class interaction and power imbalance.
"The poor who inhabit the lower rungs of the labor market hierarchy continued to experience precarious working conditions while the better organized and more powerful sectors of the labor force achieved somewhat better terms. It is among the less powerful that we find the origins of the underground economy."
(Mattera; 1985: 16)
There is class solidarity in the workplace, but outside of that ethnic subdivisions weaken bonds in the lower classes. "Boston in 1900 was very much a city divided. With the exceptions of the expensive houses of the Back Bay, it was an inner city of work and low-income housing, and an outer city of middle- and upper-income residents" (Warner; 1973: 2). This is still true today, inner city neighborhoods such as Dorchester, Roxbury, and Mattapan are isolated politically because of their low-income demographic; middle and upper class neighborhoods such as the Back Bay and the South End flex their political strength as needed. The Back Bay has been Boston's wealthiest section since the city was settled. Here the heads of business and government are neighbors and friends.
The government is largely based on cronyism and a patronage system. Historically the Irish middle class has held the legislative power in the city of Boston. "However, since the production of personal wealth brought the greatest power in the society, this kind of productivity brought with it the greatest popular standing" (Warner; 1973: 7). The upper class holds the economic power. Political "favors" are not uncommon. A favor done for the upper class results in legislation which allows them to make more money. In order to live a more than comfortable life the middle class depends on the compensation that they receive for their favors. Wealthy Bostonians also hold the popularity of the middle and upper classes. This gives them more support when they do something devious to control the lower classes. The lower class has very little voice in Boston. They have a political agenda, but since they cannot afford to pay government members to look at it they are powerless.
Granted that these are sweeping generalizations, the case of Boston's bicycle messengers is a perfect example of stratification and cronyism. When a member of the upper class was injured in a bicycle accident he used his financial clout and political connections to influence the middle class, who passed a bill which went beyond merely controlling bicycle messengers (the lower class) to the point where it discriminates against them. The courier community had no voice and almost no representation when these new laws were drafted. This is discussed in further detail in the case study of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Spring.
Urban Vestiges: The Imprint of Pedestrians
"Perhaps most important, many of the traditions of thought and behavior first elaborated during the last half of the nineteenth century still dominate present actions" (Warner; 1973: 3). Vestiges are a look back in time. They are out dated and irrelevant characteristics. Today, the walking city is a vestigial idea which is alive in the minds of Bostonians. Class stratification and the lop-sided power structure are entering early vestigial stages, yet they are not fully realized by all parties involved.
Modern day jaywalkers manifest the mind frame of the walking city. They feel that they own the downtown streets and can step off of a curb anytime and anywhere without consequence. This state of mind amplifies the lack of responsibility pedestrians take for themselves. The city of Boston has done nothing to curb the tide of jaywalkers. The current fine of $1 is also a vestige compared to many other U.S. cities where the fine is $20 and $50 for not using a crosswalk or crossing against a red light. Enforcing jaywalking violations would only make the city safer for pedestrians.
The pedestrians who jaywalk in downtown Boston are the upper class. Their power prevents the government from changing the laws and enforcing them, so the upper class sent the government after a subgroup of the lower class (i.e. bicycle messengers, see chapter six on legal hegemony). By pointing fingers of blame the upper class is not taking responsibility for its own actions on the street. As long as they hold the financial and political power nothing will change. A hierarchical class system maybe a necessity in a capitalist society, but discrimination and an imbalance of power are unacceptable vestiges of America's past which must be recognized and amended.
Chapter Two
Boston's Bicycle Messenger Culture
If you ask a courier who has ventured to other cities where bicycle messengers are used they will tell about the discrepancies between Boston and the other cities. Boston is the dark horse of "messengervilles." The working conditions are strenuous because of horrible drivers, out of control jaywalkers, and legal crackdowns. These factors are exacerbated by the fact that Boston's messengers are as stubborn and rebellious as the Pilgrims who landed on Plymouth Rock in search of religious freedom (just a few miles down the highway). Pit these modern day rebellious youth against a four hundred year old class hierarchy and one produces a post-modern schism. However, any veteran will tell you that Boston is the best city in the United States to messenger in, because the pay is good.
The sense of community in Boston is based around the idea that the couriers are into riding bikes, but they do not want to be associated with more traditional "cyclists." This has been the case since bicycle delivery started in Boston (though that date is disputed, see below). The list of shared characteristics which describes the messengers is about three times as long as the differentiating ones. Even though the differences within a group are more recognizable than the similarities which unify the group as a whole there is little overt schism within the larger community of Boston's couriers. There are approximately 250 registered messengers in Boston. That constitutes a serious minority in the downtown work force. If the couriers are not united on a basic level then the shared characteristics of their work which they enjoy will decrease as bureaucracy encroaches on their freedom.
History
The history of Boston's bicycle messengers is more like an urban legend than a factual account of events. The high turn over of workers, and a messenger's focus on present events results in the lack of historical knowledge. Depending on who one asks bicycle messengers first appeared in Boston around the turn of the century or the 1940s and 1950s. This is ancient lore to today's messengers who trace the routes of their employment to the 1970s. The first established bicycle messenger company in Boston was Marathon Messengers, which was started in 1973 and is no longer in business. Marathon began with a three person crew and was run out of a Beacon Hill apartment.
Bicycle messengers had become successful in New York, San Francisco, and Chicago. Boston's boom followed suit, for the late 1970s and early 1980s boasted the highest number of couriers. Recent technological advances such as the fax machine and email have had a small effect on the courier business. Since couriers are dependent on big business the larger economic trends have more effect on them. The recession which hit Boston in the mid and late 1980s slowed business down. As economics recovered so did the couriers.
Today's 250 messengers are divided between about 50 companies. These range from large franchises of twenty or more riders to mid-size companies of 10 or so riders to 3 man outfits to one person operations (known as independents). They all serve law firms, graphic designers, architects, consultants, travel agents, stock brokers, information retrieval services, insurance agencies, and other businesses where transactions require the use of original documents. The company that hires a messenger projects a more professional image since their documents are hand delivered. The hand delivered package also receives more attention than one that arrives in a stack of mail with a dozen other letters.
How A Delivery Works
Each messenger company in the Boston area has an office where their clients call to request a delivery run. In most cases this office is centralized with the dispatcher, but some larger companies have separate call and dispatch centers. When the dispatcher receives the delivery manifest they enter it into a computer which keeps track of the work order, including cost, pick-up and drop-off locations, and deliverer. The dispatcher uses a two-way radio, PCS cellular phone, or pager to get in contact with a courier who is in the vicinity of the pick-up. The messenger picks up the package and writes down the delivery information on his or her manifest sheet.
In most cases the messenger takes the package to the drop-off point theirself. If it is a busy part of the day, say around four in the afternoon, and a few messengers from one company have multiple drop-offs to make, they may meet up and redistribute the packages, so that they can make the drop-offs in less time. Each person takes a set of packages going to a particular part of downtown. Packages are distributed evenly, for most couriers are paid per delivery. They get 40%-60% of the delivery charge. The cost of a delivery is determined by the distance the courier needs to take it (there is a standard rate for downtown deliveries and it gets higher as the delivery distance increases), the speed in which the delivery needs to be made (regular versus rush rate), the size of the package (regular versus oversize), and the amount of time the messenger has to wait in the pick-up office before they leave. When the courier drops the package off they get a signature from the receiver. At the end of the day the courier brings their manifest list of deliveries with signatures (they only get paid for the packages that are signed for) to their office. Here the tallies are made and logged into the computer.
There are various types of delivery patterns. Some bicycle messengers ride a route everyday. They go through the same offices in the same order at approximately the same time. Those that are bonded can carry valuables and large sums of money. In order to be bonded a client can run a background check on individual messengers. The client can check a messenger's criminal record as far back as ten years. Being opens up more opportunities to a messenger. Some messengers work directly for a company, as opposed to working for a messenger company. They are usually paid by the hour and receive health benefits. This work is more steady, so the messenger needs to be more responsible. Usually multi-year veterans will ride for non-messenger companies. A small number of messengers are independents. They are a one man operation. This comes after years of experience building relationships with clients. An independent may have a beeper or a cellular phone which their clients call directly. The advantage of working for oneself is that the pay is better, but there is much more responsibility.
There are two sets of characteristics which describe Boston's messengers: shared versus differentiating. Shared characteristics describe the majority of Boston's messengers at some point in their career. It is impossible to say that they describe all of the messengers all of the time because there are always exceptions to the rule. Differentiating characteristics are what break the larger community of messengers into separate groups. These are related solely to being a courier. There are thousands of demographic factors which play into a courier's life outside of work, but they are irrelevant in this analysis.
Shared Characteristics
Youth culture prevails in the messenger community. Most riders are between 18 and 24 years old. Personal freedom, substance abuse, and sex are highly valued.
"We're good people. We do drugs, but so did the president."
"A courier function without alcohol is not a courier function."
"You come in with a twelve pack, and I've got twelve reasons to kiss you."
Joe3, a messenger of ten years, told me a story which embodies the youth culture aspects of bicycle messengers. He began working as a messenger in Washington D.C. Nine years ago he met a girl, and they had a whirl wind romance. He did not see her for almost nine years, until one night, he saw her in a bar. She was dressed like a "hot white trash chic," Joe told me. He bought her a shot, and one thing led to another, and they moved in with each other. (Actually, she invited him to move in with her because he was living at home.) After eight days they were back together. Joe "took a week off from work." They lived together for a year in Washington. Joe moved to Boston a few months ago, but his girlfriend remained in D.C. He told me this story on Wednesday, the day before she came up for a visit. Joe was going to take Friday off. The girlfriend came to Boston because she is a dancer and was considering moving there, but she wanted to see the city first. He was trying to figure out the logistics of the visit. Her plane arrived in the evening, so Joe was going to take the T (the subway) to the airport after work to pick her up. He anticipated that she would have two pieces of luggage, and the question was whether or not she could bring the luggage to a bar. This question came up because Joe was concerned that if they had to take the T home and then take a cab to a bar they would not arrive at the bar until last call. That would suck because she would not get a good sense of the bar. He listed at least five different watering holes he wanted her to see. Joe was also excited because his girlfriend was bringing some LSD and another friend had scored hallucinogenic mushrooms.
Almost every detail of this story reveals an important characteristic of youth culture among couriers. There is the overall theme of sex which runs throughout. Joe's girlfriend is flying up from Washington D.C. for a long weekend, they have not seen each other for a few months, so it goes without saying that they will be having their fair share of sex. The importance of working is signified by the fact that Joe is taking a day off. When they got back together a year ago he took a week off from work, so this girl is very important to him. Taking time off from work is a big deal because messengers need to work everyday that they are assigned in order to make ends meet. Money is tight, so spending is prioritized by necessity. However within this youth culture having fun is a necessity, and money is often spent on beer instead of traffic tickets. Joe has to take the subway to the airport because he does not have a car and cannot ride his bike to pick up his girlfriend. This is a short visit, and time is of the essence. Logistics are key. The importance of hanging out and drinking are reflected by Joe's fear of arriving at a bar at last call. He listed off about five bars that he wanted to take his girl friend to. "You have to have a martini at the Good Life, a Guinness at Folley's..." Joe stated. Drinking is one half of substance abuse; the other is drugs, which there will be plenty of for the long weekend holiday.
This entire holiday is possible because, as a courier, Joe is granted a fair amount of freedom in his schedule (even if he cannot afford to take the time off, he has the opportunity). Freedom is present in other aspects of being a bicycle messenger. There is no uniform, couriers can basically wear whatever they want, pierce what they want, and be tattooed. They can die their hair or shave their head without worrying about losing their job. This is not to say that all couriers subscribe to some renegade dress code, but they can without consequence. In a post-modern-materialist society personal appearance is a key form of self-expression. The importance of individual style is discussed further in the next chapter.
When asked about local traditions most messengers give a blank stare. A few mention drinking after work, and others talk about the unofficial races and rides which take place in Boston. There are three that I learned about: Alley Cats, Crazy 8s, and naked rides. The Alley Cats are a summer tradition. It is a sprint race held in one of downtown Boston's back alleys. Competitors race in heats until the slow are eliminated and the fasted messenger is crowned. One messenger told me he got his current job, at a prestigious messenger company, by winning the race one year. Leading up to the race he was boasting to one of the dispatchers at the company that he wanted to work for. They made a deal that if the rider won he could have a job. Another messenger described the Alley Cats as hosting "every messenger in Boston." This is one of the few opportunities for Boston's messengers to compete head-on against each other. Crazy 8s are a type of scavenger hunt where teams ride around the city stopping at check points. This race is not as prestigious as the Alley Cats, but it is described as a lot of fun. Boston's messengers have a real flare for nudity, and every summer there is at least one large naked ride through downtown. While all three events are aimed at having fun, the naked rides are set apart because they have no competitive aspect. A favorite route is cruise leisurely down Newburry Street, Boston's ritziest, boutiquey promenade. On balmy summer nights the side walks are filled with cigar smoking yuppies and European imports feasting at outdoor cafes. As BMWs and Mercedes get caught in the gridlock naked messengers pedal past them in full glory. In America public nakedness is a wonderful expression of youthful freedom.
Outside the ephemerality of youth culture messengers all share one defining characteristic: they are extremely observant people. They are constantly focused on the present, and through repetition they learn the timing of traffic lights, the schedules of different offices, where cops like to set-up road blocks, etc. They know the different homeless people downtown. Messengers can recognize each other by bicycle. There was one female courier who always rode around in her granny gear (the smallest chain ring and the easiest to pedal). She was mentioned time after time by different messengers and was always pointed out when she rode by.
A good messenger is constantly aware of his or her surroundings. Everything is constantly in motion, the messenger, cars, pedestrians. A major construction project has been recently undertaken in downtown Boston and a lot of the roads have been detoured or turned into one-way streets. Couriers are ready for anything. One day they could ride down the street and turn onto a road that used to be two way that is now one way because of construction, and end up riding into traffic. One needs to pay attention to avoid accidents and injury. Once again the importance of not missing work surfaces. Most bicycle messengers do not have any type of health insurance, so injury not only means missing work and missing income, but any medical expense must be paid out of pocket.
Being observant includes the skies as well as the streets. Obviously a bicycle messenger spends a fair amount of time outside, so it is extremely important to dress for the weather. Boston has hot summers, brisk falls, cold and wet winters, and cool damp springs. However, as a rule of thumb in New England, if one does not like the weather just wait a few minutes and it will change. Accurate weather information is of the utmost importance to couriers, for this they turn to the Weather Channel. More than a few commented to me about "Going home, relaxing, and watching the Weather Channel." Even though it is important to dress for the weather it is a misconception that bicycle messengers spend the majority of their work day riding their bikes. In fact, any messenger will tell you that they spend as much time riding elevators as they do riding their bike.
Riding bikes is addictive. It is a major draw for seasoned bicycle messengers. They ride so much, up to two hundred miles a week, that many do not want to look at their bikes on the weekend. Since bicycle messengers chose to ride for a living one might think that they are ecological minded people. They are, but they do not let on to it. One afternoon I asked a messenger, Matt, about that. He gave me an answer using the logical law of syllogism (if A then B, and if B then C, then if A then C). He said, "If you ride a bike then your are ecologically minded. Bicycle messengers ride bikes," so bicycle messengers are ecologically minded. For many couriers it may not reach far beyond riding, but anyone will say that they help to reduce air and noise pollution, as well as alleviate traffic and parking stress from Boston's roads. Just think what things would be like if everyone who worked in downtown Boston thought like that. One less car.
Differentiating Characteristics
Bicycle messengers divide themselves into groups based on experience. There is a limited hierarchy based on seniority, but this is subordinate to other groups that are formed based on geography and reaction to legal enforcement. There is also a limited amount of division between courier companies, yet this is tied to the amount of experience a courier has.
The messenger hierarchy is based solely on the number of years that one has been riding. With years comes experience and seniority. Messengers that work for a summer or the equivalent period (about three months) are yahoos. These are people who are not cut out to be career couriers. They fill the gaps in the summer schedule when more experienced couriers take time off. Veterans prefer to ride during the fall, winter, and springs, saying that the summer is too hot and uncomfortable to ride. Yahoos are joyriders. They want to live the glorified courier lifestyle and then return to school at the end of the summer. If a yahoo makes it past the initial three months they become a rookie. A rookie is a rider who has not been working long, but will make a go at being a messenger for at least a year or so.
Riding through one's first winter is a rite of passage; the worse the winter the bigger the passage. Upon completing the winter and continuing to work a messenger moves up in the ranks. Within the bicycle messenger community there is no word for this status. Messengers only label the extremely inexperienced and the extremely experienced. The majority of riders during the fall, winter, and spring fall into this middle ground. (While the majority of the summer riders are yahoos and rookies.) I have dubbed them journeymen. They are moderately experienced but have not worked enough years to be considered a veteran. Since the hierarchy is based solely on time there is a linguistic gray zone. It represents the journeymen's disinterest in hierarchy and rank. One journeyman made this comment about veterans, "They're allright once they stop talking about how they've been riding for ten years." Journeymen do not cop any sort of overt condescending attitude toward one another.
After a courier has been riding for four or five years they have established themselves solidly within the community. They have risen through the ranks of various companies and settled into a rigorous but comfortable job. Veteran status demands a certain amount of respect from other riders and employers. The more experience a bicycle messenger has the better the relationship they have with the delivery company that they work for. Journeymen often bad mouth their dispatchers. They have frequent down time (when they are not delivering) and complain about it. Veterans do not complain about work. Herein lies another distinction between journeymen and veterans: veterans have accepted their relationship with their job and are more independent than journeymen, who constantly seek the support of their fellow journeymen riders. This is played out geographically.
The longest serving group of couriers are lifers. A veteran may work for ten or more years. When he or she makes the mental distinction that being a bicycle messenger is the only job for them they become a lifer, a career courier. Many independents are lifers. If one makes the commitment there is decent money to made (about $40,000 a year). A love of bicycling plays into the decision. Veterans who become lifers fully acknowledge that the freedom messengers have is not present in any other job.
One of the few conscious self-differentiating decisions a messenger makes is where they hang out when they have down time. The two locations I observed were Winthrop Square and 225 Franklin Street. The amenities they posses are similar, but the messengers who hang out at each location are different. Both hang out spots have pay phones and cafes, essential for keeping in touch with the dispatcher and for a quick fueling during the work day. Winthrop Square is an outdoor hang out and is south-facing, so it gets sun throughout the day. It is frequented by veteran messengers who do not have a lot of down time, so the outdoor locale is not a big issue. Messengers can warm up quickly in the sun during short breaks and then be on their way. Unlike 225 Franklin, Winthrop Square is not a spot where couriers can get really comfortable. That is not important because the people who stop there spend less time hanging out and more time working.
The other location I observed, 225 Franklin Street, is an in and outdoor hang out. There is a lobby with couches where couriers can relax. This building does not get as much sun as Winthrop Square, so the opportunity to sit indoors in welcomed on cold days. The messengers who hang out here are usually rookies and journeymen (though some of the more experienced journeymen hangout at both locations). They have more down time than veterans, so the couches come in handy for longer periods of hanging out. Messengers can get more comfortable at 225 Franklin. There is more sense of community here as well, because messengers spend more time with each other. They share snacks, cookies, brownies, and hot drinks. They talk a lot about work, usually complaints about their relationship with their employer (these gripes are absent in Winthrop Square, for the riders are more established). "If you don't take care of your riders; your riders will leave," one journeyman told me.
Bicycle messengers are also grouped by their companies. This is not a competitive grouping, but another reflection of a rider's experience. There are some companies that will hire anyone; they are large and do not pay as well as the smaller operations. As a courier gains experience they move up the ranks to smaller outfits that offer better wages. Companies have reputations within the messenger and client worlds. Clients have a preferred service that they call first and a back-up or two in case the first company cannot make the delivery. As a result of this courier companies have established territories. There are not turf wars over business accounts, but journeymen learn not to mess with an account that is serviced by a company of veterans.
In time a journeymen will move up to a veteran company. This happens by word of mouth. If a prestigious messenger company is looking for a new rider, and they hear that someone has a good reputation as a courier they will meet in an informal setting (e.g. a bar) and talk to the perspective employee. If things check out a job offer is made.
Job opportunities arise through knowing people and making connections. This is a key element of the underground economy, which is present among bicycle messengers and other service workers in Boston. In Gerald Mars' book, Cheats at Work (1982), the operation of the underground economy is outlined. He describes four separate groups of employees who partake in it: wolves, vultures, donkeys, and hawks. All of his definitions pertain to how the groups organize themselves and how their fiddles (specific forms of workplace crime) operate. The underground economy of bicycle messengers is not based on fiddles; instead it is rooted in a moral economy (see chapter five, the underground economy case study). However, the characteristics of how a group organizes itself and reacts to authority are quite appropriate. They correspond to different stages of the seniority hierarchy. Over time messengers move through different roles in the underground economy.
In the eyes of a non-messenger bicycle messengers fit the characteristics of Mars' "wolves."
"Wolves...work-and steal-in packs. Dockwork gangs are good examples: they have hierarchy, order and internal controls. When they pilfer they do so according to agreed rules and through a well-defined division of labour. Like real-life wolves, they know who is their leader and who are the led-and they penalise their own deviants."
(Mars; 1982: 2)
From the outside bicycle messengers appear to be one homogenous group. While their lives as messengers share many similarities outside of work messengers diverge quickly. The general public does not realize this and causes the glorification and vilification of couriers as a group. They are often seen as gangs who bully innocent people downtown. Bicycle messengers work as individuals 99% of the time; there is very little division of labor. The hierarchy is simply based on seniority and does not reflect any power structure, leadership roles, or pack mentality. The unimportance of the hierarchy is demonstrated by the journeymen's (the largest group of messengers at any given time) lack of interest in it. There are no leaders or followers within messenger culture. People who step out as representatives of Boston's couriers are scorned (see Adam Ford, chapter six, the legal hegemony case study). The rules within the messenger community concern respect and personal responsibility (qualities all people should live by), so there are no special penalties for deviant behavior. The view of messengers as "wolves" developed out a lack of communication between them and the public. Since the corporate world is "wolf"-like they project "wolf" characteristics on to messengers because that is all they know. They want to see leaders and followers; thus to an outsider Adam Ford is the leader of the couriers, which is not true. The continuing lack of communication will only perpetuate these false stereotypes and increase the culture clash and conflict.
The three other groups Mars describes are "vultures," "donkeys," and "hawks." These correspond to the length of time a messenger has been riding, and how they have responded to the authority's (i.e. City of Boston, Boston Police, etc.) control over that time.
The first group a messenger enters is the "vultures."
"Vultures need the support of a group but act on their own when at the feast. Traveling salesmen are vultures-so too are waiters-linked and supported as they are from a common base, depending on information and support from colleagues, but competitive and acting in isolation for much of their work. Because vultures show a paradoxical combination of competition and the need for cooperation, their groupings, as might be expected, are unstable and sometimes turbulent."
(Mars; 1982: 2)
"Vultures" are comprised of yahoos, rookies, and less experienced journeymen. This group hangs out at 225 Franklin Street. The members spend less time working and more time hanging out than the more experienced couriers, so they form tighter group bonds. Their job is the same, they work alone, but they support each other during down time (e.g. sharing snacks, aspirin, etc.). This is the phase when new messengers form a common base with their co-workers. "New entrants to a job learn what to do from talking to people already in the job-often the contacts who enable them to get the job in the first place" (Mars; 1982: 114).
These less experienced riders need to establish themselves, and that causes increased competition within the "vultures." Messengers "...do similar jobs but...competition hinges around good routes and bad routes..." (Mars; 1982: 111). "Since vultures work on the principle of mutual self-interest, an individual may be friendly with his colleagues but he never loses sight of the fact that they are competitors" Mars; 1982: 118). As Mars notes, competition functions simultaneously with cooperation and the group dynamic. This causes instability and a high turnover of workers. "Six months or a little longer appears to be a common period within which many workers in vulture jobs decide that the job is not for them" (Mars; 1982: 117). This explains the yahoo and rookie presence. Authority effects on "vultures" less because they have not been working as long as the "donkeys" and "hawks."
The transformation from "vulture" to either "donkey" or "hawk" takes place as a courier gains experience. It is a dynamic process; the change does not happen over night (i.e. one day a messenger is a "vulture" and the next they are a "hawk"). Since these groups operate within a moral underground economy they "...fall broadly into two stages: learning about the job (and more important, certain truths about the job); and learning to hold down and progress in the job" (Mars; 1982: 115). As a bicycle messenger progresses he or she begins to work more. She might get a new job at a smaller company, so she makes more deliveries per day and spends less time hanging out. The courier does not need the support of the "vulture" group any more and becomes more individualistic (a key characteristic of both "donkeys" and "hawks"). This divergence is similar to the biological process of speciation. Speciation is how new species diverge from an existing population. A sub-group of a population moves into a new ecosystem and adapts to it. Over time the changes become so distinct that the two groups can no longer interbreed and produce fertile off-spring; thus a new species arises. Bicycle messengers move through separate "social ecosystems." The group system of the "vultures" becomes unnecessary as a messenger gains experience. The courier spends more time alone making deliveries and enters a more individual system. This is the realm of "donkeys" and "hawks."
From the "vulture" group a bicycle messenger can transform into a "donkey" or a "hawk." These two groups are made up of more experienced journeymen, veterans, and lifers.
"Donkeys are people highly constrained by rules who are also isolated from each other. Some transport workers are donkeys-their jobs isolate them and they are dominated by rules governing safety...highly constrained and isolated. The response of donkeys is to resist by breaking the rules-to sabotage the systems that constrain them."
(Mars; 1982: 2)
As couriers become more experienced they become increasingly isolated from one another during the work day. "Donkeys" spend less time hanging out and more time delivering. These are the couriers who hang out at Winthrop Square. They have at least one winters experience. They have been a courier longer and spent more time working than a rookie, so the laws effect them more. "Donkeys" resist authority by either breaking the rules or sabotaging the system. Here there is a divergence in the "donkey" group. For example, rule-breaking "donkeys" do not wear helmets and hope to avoid being ticketed. Sabotaging "donkeys" work at changing the laws which restrict messengers as a whole. They have enough experience to have a solid understanding of the laws; they pick them apart and try to cause change. This is the function of the Boston Courier Objective Group.
The Boston Courier Objective Group (B-C.O.G.) is made up of sabotaging "donkeys." There are no "vultures" because of their lack of experience and the instability of their group. B-C.O.G. itself is somewhat unstable. Of the meetings I observed the attendance ranged from twenty-five to eight bicycle messengers. B-C.O.G. does not lead the entire courier community of Boston. The separation experienced couriers face in the workplace causes a lack of interest. As long as rule-breaking "donkeys" and "hawks" are getting paid they will not show much interest in the betterment of the entire courier community. However, B-C.O.G. is solid proof that bicycle messengers are not "wolves" because B-C.O.G. has no definitive leader. During the meetings I attended different people took turns running things. People were assigned different organizational tasks, but there was no president of the whole group. The lack of a definitive leader has its advantages and disadvantages. On a moral level it eliminates hierarchy and puts all members on equal footing. This is important within the underground economy. However, not having a leader makes it hard for plans to made and executed, because at a B-C.O.G. meeting there is constant discussion on any number of messenger related topics. Not many decisions are made because no single person will make group decisions.
"Hawks" deal with authority differently than "donkeys." They are veterans and lifers. "Hawks...are independent; swooping to their opportunities, energetic, adaptable and resourceful" (Mars; 1982: 42).
"Hawks, like their feathered counterparts, are individualists. They perch unhappily in organizations; when in them they tend to bend the rules to suit themselves. These are the entrepreneurs, the innovative professionals and the small businessmen. Their aim is to 'make it.'"
(Mars; 1982: 2)
Like "donkeys," "hawks" no longer rely on the group for support, and they have worked enough years and hours to be effected by authority. They are also Winthrop Square groupies. The difference between a "hawk" and a "donkey" is that while "donkeys" blatantly break the rules or try to change them, "hawks" do not waste their time with either approach. They are unhappy working within the regulations set out by the government and will bend them so that they will not be bothered. A messenger named Gerald told me a story about a class he took at a local community college, which embodies the attitudes of a hawk:
He had a film class that met at 8:15 in the morning. Gerald lived in Dorchester, which is at least a half hour drive, depending on the traffic. He made it to about a quarter of the classes, but he got an 'A' in the class because he rented the movies and wrote good papers. At the end of the last day of class the teacher asked to speak with him. The teacher told Gerald it was a pleasure to have him in class. At first Gerald thought that he was kidding. The teacher continued to tell him how he enjoyed reading Gerald's papers, but he wondered how Gerald wrote such good papers if he never went to class. Gerald told the teacher how he watched the movies at home. At this the teacher replied, "It's people like you who're going to make it." Gerald was very proud of this when he told me the story.
"All [hawks] share certain attitudes: the most common are a resistance to external constraints and the high value placed on independence" (Mars; 1982: 43). "Hawks" are pure businessmen, and this is the group where one finds the most lifers. As Mars notes they want to make it (Mars; 1982: 2). By this reasoning, an independent can only be a "hawk" because this is the only group which possesses the desire and the energy to be a truly successful entrepreneur in the courier world.
"Hawk jobs are adaptable, constantly responding to pressures for change and innovation. They attract and reward people who successfully need to reconstruct their world a bit, who order it in a way that suits them....And since innovation and inventiveness are vital aspects of entrepreneuriality and therefore of hawks' jobs, their bearers need a flexible work environment that is in their control. Being hawks, if is is not flexible enough-they will bend it."
(Mars; 1982: 65)
For a "hawk," like President Clinton, it depends on what one's definition of the word is is. If that definition is inhibiting a messenger's success then they will change it. They have a rather flexible environment to work in, as any messenger will tell you, they enjoy their job because of the personal freedom it allows them.
It is possible for a courier to progress from a "donkey" to a "hawk," but not from a "hawk" to a "donkey." As a "donkey" works longer he may find that he is tired of working in conflict with the authority. When he decides that he wants to make it as a messenger, to make a comfortable living, he may change roles. "Hawks" do not find themselves in conflict as often as the other groups, so they focus their energy on their own success. It is rare to find an individual who will switch their focus from themselves to a larger group of people.
Boston's bicycle messengers share a culture rich in tradition, but, by the very definition of their job, it is difficult for them to unite against the powers that be. The longer one rides the more difficult it becomes to see oneself as part of a whole. Another paradox.
Chapter Three
Material Culture: Style and Individualism
In Boston the bike shop I worked in gave discounts to messengers. The policy was not openly advertised, but it was always honored when a courier ID badge was displayed. I wanted to help out the bike messengers who did not know about this policy. Messengers rely on their bicycles and spent a fair amount of money maintaining them; they should get a little price break. It became necessary to ask people whether or not they were a messenger, but obviously one does need nor want to ask every single customer who buys something. The question of "how does one identify a bike messenger" arose.
Like any other culture, bicycle messenger fashion follows variations on a theme. From bikes to clothes to accessories there are some trends that prevail, yet each person uniquely expresses theirself. Individualism is very important to messengers, and the freedom that they have to express themselves is one of many freedoms they enjoy. Fashion, no matter how ratty, is always displayed proudly; on the street a stained Izod sweater or a DKNY scarf will be modeled at the drop of a hat. Within the courier community each messenger's bicycle is a form of self expression. The accessories carried, from bags to tools, reflects the messenger's personality and style.
Bicycles
The bicycle and the specific way it is set up is an important identifying marker among messengers. To the layman on the street it may appear simply, some messengers ride road bikes and some ride mountain bikes, but that is far from the case. There are at least as many customized bikes as there are messengers; probably more since many riders own more than one bike. No two bikes are exactly the same. Messengers build their bikes to fit themselves. It has to be a comfortable ride, since they put up to two hundred miles in a week. Bicycles are reflections of their riders physical build.
The Bicycle Cultural Text
When the topography on a region is relatively flat one does not need a broad gear range to ascend or descend steep hills. On a bike, as in a car, the lower the gear the less force required to move. That means if one is climbing a hill it is better to use a lower gear because there will be less resistance on one's legs. However, the lower the gear is on a bike the less distance one travels which each push of the pedals. There is a balance between the ease of pedaling and one's cadence (the revolutions per minute of one's feet as they pedal). One does not want to push a gear that is too strenuous, but at the same time one does not want to spin a gear out (i.e. have an uncomfortably high cadence).
A brand new stock mountain bike usually comes with a 42-32-22 set of chain rings. These are the three gears in the front. The three numbers refer to the number of teeth on each ring, so the 42 tooth is the largest and the 22 tooth ring is the smallest. The chain is moved from ring to ring by a derailleur. This is a cable actuated device with a remote shift lever on the handle bar. The largest chain ring provides the most resistance and propels the bike the furthest which each pedal push. The opposite applies to the smallest chain ring. Most new mountain bikes will have eight cogs on the rear wheel. These give the rider a more precise gearing selection. The chain is moved from cog to cog by a derailleur. The rear cogs come in predetermined gear clusters called cassettes. They come in a variety of ratios, one of the most common being 12-32 (i.e. the smallest of the eight cogs has 12 teeth and the largest has 32 teeth). The smaller the rear cog the faster the gear. The same rules apply to a road bike except that the chain rings on a road bike are larger than on a mountain bike (e.g. 52-42-30), and many roads bikes have only two chain rings (e.g. 52-38). The cassette also has a smaller ratio of gears (e.g. 11-27). Regardless of the bicycle, the highest gear is a combination of the largest chain ring and the smallest cog. The teeth are in a ratio between 3:1 and 4:1. This is a comfortable gear to ride on any relatively flat road or trail.
More than half of the messengers in Boston ride single speed bicycles. Single speeds have one chain ring and one cog. The gear ratio between the number of teeth on chain ring and the cog is usually between 3:1 and 4:1. There are no derailleurs, no shifting cables, and no remote shifters on the handle bars. Couriers get away with this because Boston is a relatively flat city. The State House sits atop the solitary downtown hill, Beacon Hill, which has an elevation of 100 feet above sea level. This hill presents no challenge to any single speed rider who will stand up and pedal for two minutes. In theory these bikes require less maintenance because they have less moving parts. They are extremely reliable and do not cost a lot to build, compared to a multi-speed bicycle.
Almost any bike frame can be converted to a single speed. The only requirement is that it has some way to take up the excess chain. A chain must be taught as it runs around the gears; if there is too much slack the rider runs the risk of the chain falling off of the gears. Not only is this dangerous, but if the chain comes off of the gears then the bicycle is rendered immobile. There are three ways to avoid chain slack. The easiest is to obtain a bicycle frame that has horizontal drop-outs. The drop-out is the part of the bicycle where the seat stay and the chain stay meet. The ends of the rear wheel's axle are inserted here. Horizontal drop-outs allow the rear wheel to be moved front to back. The chain can be properly tensioned by pulling the rear wheel back in the drop-out until the chain is taught. If one does not have a frame with horizontal drop-outs the chain can be tensioned using an old rear derailleur or similar device designed specifically to allow a bicycle with vertical drop-outs to be converted into a single speed (e.g. the Singulator). The third alternative is to measure the exact length of chain needed so that it will remain taught when the rear wheel is placed in the vertical drop-out. With any bicycle the chain tends to stretch over time. On a bike with horizontal drop-outs the rear wheel can pulled back when the chain begins to sag. An old derailleur or Singulator will absorb chain slack to a point. Otherwise, the chain must be manually shortened to avoid danger.
There are a variety of bicycle frames that are designed with horizontal drop-outs. They are made of either steel or aluminum. Each metal has different properties, advantages, and disadvantages. While a low grade steel frame will weigh more than a low grade aluminum frame there is little difference in weight between high grade steel and aluminum. Aluminum is a stiffer metal than steel. The relative stiffness or flexibility is an important characteristic of bicycle frames and parts because the more flexible a material is the more energy it absorbs; the stiffer a material is the more efficiently energy is transferred through it. A bicycle made from aluminum will be quicker because the frame will not flex as the rider pedals. Aluminum bicycles are less comfortable to ride on bumpy city streets because the road shock (bumps in the road which pass through the bike as energy) is not absorbed by the frame, so a rider's bum tends to get sore if the road is not smooth. Steel may not be as quick as aluminum, but it is more comfortable to ride. Especially in Boston. The small amount that a steel bicycle flexes allows the rear wheel to hold a stable line while cornering. Since steel is a more flexible metal than aluminum it will bend under pressure whereas aluminum will snap. Though bike frames do not break often they fail from time to time. In some cases a bent steel frame can be bent back into shape, though some structural integrity is sacrificed. There is no way to repair a snapped aluminum frame.
In Boston the comfort and performance of steel are recognized. More than half of the messengers ride steel framed bicycles. Steel is a material that is rich in cycling history. It was the first material that bicycles were made from, and today many European and American manufactures maintain the tradition.
There are four basic frame types that use horizontal drop-outs. Track, road, cruiser, and older mountain bikes. Track bikes are designed to be ridden in a velodrome. This is an oval track with steep banked turns. The bottom bracket shell is typically higher than the average road bike, and the frame is designed so that the seat is as far back over the rear wheel's axle as possible. These two characteristics give track bikes the ability to take corners at high speeds without slipping. Track bikes typically have a low front end to improve aerodynamics. These frames are quite basic. There is nowhere to attach derailleurs or brakes; although some riders modify the fork so that a brake can be attached. Road bikes also work well as single speeds because on their aerodynamic design. Both road and track bicycles use 700c wheels. This wheel is larger than a mountain bike's (which is 26"). These larger wheels utilize very thin tires (18-32mm wide) and are faster because of their larger size and reduced rolling resistance. Cruisers and mountain bikes use 26" wheels which are smaller and designed to use wider tires (1.25-2.5" wide). These bikes are designed with a more upright riding position in mind, so they are less strenuous on one's back and neck. Not many messengers ride old mountain bike frames. They are too heavy and outdated. Many couriers do ride vintage cruisers from the 1940s-1960s. Old Schwinn and Raleigh frames are popular for their retro look and comfort.
There are two types of single speed bicycles: regular single speeds and fixed gears. The difference is that a single speed has freewheel mechanism within the rear cog and a fixed gear does not. A freewheel is what all multispeed bicycles have within their rear cassette. It is what allows a rider to spin the pedals backwards without actually moving the bicycle in reverse. The inside of a freewheel is like a ratchet. When the ratchet is turned forward the teeth grab and turn the wheel forward, but when the ratchet is moved in reverse or not moved at all the teeth do not catch. This feature allows a rider to coast. Since a fixed gear bicycle does not have a freewheel the rider can never coast. If a fixed gear is stopped and one pedals backwards the bike will move backwards. The movement of the pedals and the rear wheel are synchronous. A rider can slow himself down by slowing down his cadence.
A brake is not a necessity on a fixed gear bicycle. Some couriers have a front brake for emergency use. It is possible to slow down without the use of a brake. One method is to gradually slow down one's cadence. Another method is to lift the rear wheel off the ground and simultaneously slow down one's legs as much as possible. When the wheel comes back down on the pavement it skids and slows the bike down. The rider can lift the rear wheel by grasping the pedals with their feet and raising their legs like they are hopping. Knobby tires do not skid well, so messengers who ride fixed gears without brakes always use a rear tire with a smooth tread. The rapid change in motion that is needed to manually slow down a fixed gear is very strenuous for the rider's knees. Riders who use a brake on their fixed gear or ride another type of bike often state that they want to "save their knees." At least a front brake is necessary to slow down a single speed. However, most messengers who ride single speeds use front and rear brakes.
With more than half of the bicycle messengers riding some sort of single speed the rest of the bikes used are a mix of multispeed road, mountain, and cyclocross. Road bikes offer speed and light weight, but lack in comfort. Mountain bikes are more comfortable and typically stronger but weigh more and are slower. A cyclocross bike is like a road bike, but it is designed to be ridden on dirt trails. These bikes have large road sized wheels with narrow knobby tires. They are equipped with cantilever mountain bike brakes and have a riding position crossed between a road and a mountain bike. A common modification for all three types of bikes is to have only one chain ring and a full cog set in the rear. This eliminates the front derailleur and simplifies shifting.
The number of gears one's bike has is a matter of personal preference. Whether it is one, eight (a multispeed bike with one chain ring and a full cog set), sixteen (a road or cyclocross bike), twenty-four (a mountain bike), or more. The choice is made to maximize comfort, reliability, maintenance, and cost.
Bicycle messengers are distinguishable by their bikes. When referring to a rider one might mention their first name and describe the type of bike that the ride. Bikes are differentiated by type, single speed vs. fixed gear vs. multispeed; by the brand of the frame; by color. Another important identifying characteristic of a courier's bike is the handle bar. It is a part that is easy to see and note at a glance. There are many variations from standard straight mountain bike bars, to riser bars, to road drop bars, to track bars, to cruiser bars. Any of these can be cut down to personal preference. Having narrow handle bars is advantageous for riding between cars in traffic. Bars can be mounted right-side-up or upside-down and can be set at almost any angle to suit the rider. Pedals are another common variant. Three styles prevail: clipless, BMX, and regular pedals with toe straps and clips. Flat pedals, with a plastic clip and nylon strap to hold the riders foot on the pedal, are the most popular. These pedals are the least expensive of the three (retail price starts at about $20) and can be ridden in any type of shoe. BMX pedals are a crossover from dirtbikes. They have a larger surface than flat pedals and have small knobs or metal teeth that stick out of either side. A rider using a soft soled shoe can grip the pedal by curling their toes around the front. These pedals are a little more expensive than the first option (retail starts at about $30). They do not fasten the rider's foot to the pedal in any way, so in case of a crash the rider does not have to worry about having their feet stuck in the clip and strap. The third option, clipless pedals, are the most comfortable for riding and the most expensive. Clipless pedals work only with special shoes, so there is a sizable investment involved (retails from $120-$320 for shoes and pedals). A small metal cleat screws into the bottom of the shoe under the ball of ones foot. This snaps into the pedal and is retained by a set of springs. To disengage the rider twists their heel to the side. (It is a similar concept to a ski binding but smaller.) Since the shoe is mechanically affixed to the pedal the rider can get power from all directions of the pedal stroke. They can push, pull back, and lift up their feet to get extra power. Cycling shoes have very stiff soles, and like aluminum they transfer energy efficiently because none is lost in the soles flex. The stiffness makes this system the most comfortable for cycling. The shoe supports the rider's foot. When one rides a bike in a sneaker the shoe flexes downwards over the pedal and one's arches become sore. One would not want to walk far in cycling shoes, but once they are broken in they are fine for standing in elevators and walking in and out of buildings.
On rainy days riders take different precautions to keep their feet dry. Some buy shoe covers design to fit snugly over their cycling shoes. These can cost up to $60. A more cost effective way to keep one's feet dry is to put plastic bags over one's socks and tape them closed around the ankle. Whatever works.
Fashion
Shoes are a key part of bicycle messenger fashion. It is one of only three zones where the rider touches the bike. Sneakers compose more than half of the messengers footwear. Clunky, skateboard style shoes are a pop culture crossover. This has more to do with being stylish than anything else. Cycling shoes are worn by more experienced messengers. An investment of $60 to $200 in a shoe designed specifically for riding a bike is a sign of commitment. However, no veteran rider would be caught wearing a low end shoe, for it would fall apart after a few months of work.
Durable work pants, like Carhartts and Dickies, are popular among messengers. Tough jeans with patches over the knees and triple stitching will save one's skin in the case of an accident. The back pockets are big enough and strong enough to hold a small size U-lock. Pants are a great clue in picking out bicycle messengers. Who else downtown has the cuffs rolled up? Every single courier who wears pants either rolls or tucks their right pant leg to keep it from getting caught in their bicycle chain. Two variations are using a large file clip to make one's pant leg snug around the ankle or rolling both pant legs. Knickers are also very popular. Work pants can be cut just below the knee patches to make worry free cycling pants. Even on cold winter days knickers are worn with long underwear.
Head gear is common, but only about five percent of bicycle messengers wear helmets. Not wearing a helmet is a big issue in Boston. Part of it is legal and will be discussed later, but not wearing a helmet represents a kind of confidence and indestructibility that is omnipresent in youth. However, donning a helmet is a personal choice that one will not be ridiculed for making.
Bags
What is a bicycle messenger without a messenger bag? A less productive messenger. If one was to take stock of any messenger's bag on any day of the week it would contain more than a couple of documents that need to be delivered. Medicine, radios, extra batteries, battery chargers, locks, snacks, clothes, tool bags, pumps, parts, books, magazines, walkmen, tapes, manifest holders, scraps of paper with notes jotted on them, and cigarettes are just a few items I saw pulled out of messengers' bags. Couriers use large bags, upwards of 2000 cubic inches in volume. These over the shoulder bags are preferred over backpacks because they fit one's body better and keep the center of gravity compact; whereas a backpack sticks out off of one's back. Flat papers are easily swallowed by a courier bag. Most courier bags are waterproof; most backpacks are not. Occasionally a messenger will have to deliver a box that does not fit in their bag. For this situation some people have wire baskets attached to the front of their bikes. Others balance the box on the top tube and handle bars of their bicycle. Riser bars are advantageous for this because their bend is the perfect size to cradle most boxes.
At a glance most courier bags look the same. Unless they are particularly unique in color or pattern they are not used as an identifying mark like a bicycle. It is rumored that certain color combinations have their advantages over others. For example an orange, white, and green bag might decrease the chances of a law breaking messenger being stopped by a cop. "It's all about the Irish tri-color," a dispatcher told me. This color combination is the same as the Irish flag, and Boston has a long standing tradition of Irish police officers. The other tactic used by most couriers to avoid being stopped by the police is to attach their black on orange license number to their bags. Even though messengers have individual license numbers they are not used as an identifying mark.
The surest way to peg someone as a messenger is to check out the chest strap of their bag. No courier's strap is empty. There will at least be a pager attached if not a walky-talky, cellular or digital phone, a small pocket, keys, or a combination of any number of these gadgets. Pagers, radios, and cellular phones are the life links of bicycle messengers. This is how they find out about pick-ups and rendezvous. A messenger who works for a delivery service or private business is given a radio or phone. The rider is responsible for charging the battery and taking care of the device. Couriers often carry more than one battery at a time and exchange low batteries with co-workers. Independent messengers have to buy themselves a pager or phone so their clients can reach them.
Locks
The final piece of equipment that all bicycle messengers carry is a good lock. Kryptonite brand U-locks are the most popular. Some messengers prefer chains with pad locks on the end. These can be worn around the waste when not in use and can lock a bike to just about anything. The U-locks that are used come in two sizes. The smaller of the two can fit in one's back pocket. This is nice because it is easily accessible. The small lock also fits in the front pocket of many courier bags. These small U-locks fit around sign posts, bike racks, and some parking meters. They do not lock one's seat or wheels down. Seat binders are generally bolts, as opposed to quick release levers. Some messengers do not worry about their wheels being stolen. Others replace the quick releases with bolts, as a deterrent. Still others leave the quick releases on the wheels and fasten them to the frame with a hose clamp. The larger size U-lock can lock the frame and front wheel to just about anything. It is not as convenient as the smaller size and used less frequently.
Couriers almost always lock their bikes up while they go into a building for a pick up or a delivery. When just hanging out in a lobby or outside they are less likely to bother with the lock. Some go through the motions, but instead of actually locking the bike they rest it across their chain stays so that it goes through their rear wheel. At a glance the bike looks locked. This is fine if the bike is within view or if there are other couriers around. Messengers do not need to worry about their bike being stolen by another messenger.
Interpretation of Material Culture
Bicycle messengers are serious cyclists and love to ride bikes but do not necessarily want to be associated with the lycra set. This is evident in all of their cycling paraphernalia. Most do not wear helmets or cycling clothing; they ride nice bicycles that are set-up different from what one would typically find in a bike shop.
Not wearing a helmet is a physical manifestation of the invincibility of youth. It is also a form of rebellion against authority which seeks to control messengers as much as possible. The new licensing laws in Boston require messengers to wear helmets. There is $100 fine if a courier is caught not wearing one, but the police officer has to prove that the cyclist is currently working as a courier in order to enforce the law. Most bicycle messengers take the risk. They do not or cannot shell out $50 for a helmet. During the first few days of enforcement many couriers wore vintage leather cycling helmets or non-cycling helmets (e.g. construction hard hats, batting helmets) to get around the law. After a few days couriers went back to wearing cycling and baseball caps or nothing at all. In wearing alternative helmets or no helmet at all messengers express their presence at the fringe of the greater cycling culture. They are bicycle messengers first and cyclists second.
The salient feature about messenger fashion is that they wear nice durable clothing, but most of the time it is not bicycle clothing. In Boston couriers are not into skin tight garments. Many wear padded cycling shorts under their pants, but one would be hard pressed to find a messengers who looks like they just entered a race. In winter they wear long underwear, gloves, and hats; none of these are designed for cycling though. A nice pair of winter gloves are sooner bought at an outdoors store than a bike shop (even though there are winter cycling gloves made).
The need for a reliable, low cost bike results in a high number of single speed and fixed gear bicycles . These bikes cost less to build because they have less parts than a multispeed bicycle. They are also easier to maintain. The rule of thumb for bicycles is as the number of moving parts increase the amount of time and money needed to keep the bike working also increases. More moving parts means that there are more things to break. Single speeds and fixed gears use as few parts as possible; as a result they are very reliable. A messenger can ride the same bike everyday and only worry about flat tires and other minor adjustments. They do not have to worry about missing a day of work because there is something seriously wrong with their bicycle. It is important for a courier to work every shift that he or she is assigned.
Fixed gear bicycles are as simple as one can get. No freewheel, no gears, no derallieurs, no brakes, no cables, no shifters, no brake levers. The fact that the rider is always pedaling helps maintain momentum; the bike helps the rider out. A smooth fixed gear rider is always aware of what is going on around them. They can accelerate and decelerate by simply changing their cadence. Fixed gears handle well in slippery conditions because a change in speed needs to be gradual. There is no chance that a rider will slam on their brakes and go into an uncontrollable skid. It is a sign of experience to ride a fixed gear, and a sign of even more experience to ride one without a brake. Many couriers who rode fixed gears told me that they did not start out on them. They had to learn how to ride safely in traffic first.
Messengers represent the majority of cyclists who ride single speed and fixed gear bicycles. The job demands a utilitarian bike. Boston's messengers also have an appreciation for the rich history of the bicycle. This is evident by the large number of couriers who ride vintage frames. Vintage frames are popular for their comfort and their style. The retro look is very hip in Boston. No other group of cyclists set-up their bikes like a messenger. The modifications represent a need for comfortable bike to ride everyday; they are also an expression of individual style.
Chapter Four
The Appropriation and Popularization of Bicycle Messenger Culture
"What if messengers were really as mean as everyone thought?" asked Luke one afternoon. "The city would be a mess."
An employee at a Back Bay bike shop told a messenger, "I know about you guys, you ride around and hit people in the head with your locks."
One of the difficult parts of fighting the legal battle is that the messenger community stands alone. There are not many non-couriers who would go out of their way to stand up for couriers. Messenger culture has been criticized and marginalized by popular culture in the United States. The way Americans process memories is that they do not remember the good things people do for them, especially in the metropolitan workplace. There is a lot of stress and tensions run high. Who else can the corporates take out their aggression on? Bike messengers are visible because of their clothes and the fact that they are the only people downtown who ride bicycles. They stand out much more prominently than other sub-cultures in the downtown work place. If a pedestrian was given the right of way by nine messengers and cut of by one then they will only retain that image of the messenger who cut them off. As I rode through downtown Boston I got the strong feeling that pedestrians were afraid of me because I was on a bike.
The Media
In the U.S., courier culture was first picked up by the mass media . The 1986 movie Quicksilver was popular culture's first attempt to apply messenger culture to something other than being a bicycle messenger. This Romantic drama stars Kevin Bacon as a stock broker come bike messenger. This movie glorifies courier culture as much as it can. The opening scene pits Bacon, riding the back seat of a cab, against a messenger riding through traffic. The messenger makes a snide expression towards Bacon as he passes the cab, so Bacon offers the cabby $50 if he can beat the courier to the train station. Of course the courier wins. After losing a ridiculous amount of money in one day of trading Kevin Bacon decides that he will quit the brokerage business. As he is walking home he glances in the window of a bike shop and sees a track bike hanging in the window. Bacon's expression seems to say, "That's it! I'll become a wonderful bike messenger just like guy who beat me in traffic!" The movie goes on to make messenger life look like a glorified circus. There is even one scene where after work all of the couriers get together and have a trick riding contest. In the end there is a chase between Kevin Bacon (on a bike) and the evil drug dealer (in a car). Guess what happens? Bacon manages to elude and out maneuver the car until he lures him off of a half finished bridge. Bacon manages to stop in time to watch the car launch into the air and explode. Thank goodness he saved the day. This was a bad movie to boot, and by mere association couriers get a bad rap.
Most of the couriers I spoke to had either scene or heard of the movie. They laughed at it for being a horrible misrepresentation of their lifestyles. There is not one scene where a messenger is shown inside a building making a delivery. All of the footage is either riding or hanging out. Many couriers told me that they spend as much time riding elevators as riding their bikes. After one critique a messenger said to me, "Let me tell you something: no one leaves the stock market to become a bike messenger." One courier who told me he saw Quicksilver as a kid. He lived in Florida, where there were no messengers. He bombed around on his ten speed and wore an athletic bag over his shoulder to mimic the courier bags he saw in the movie.
The next folly was the San Francisco edition of MTV's The Real World (during 1995-6 season). One of the "very real" characters was Puck Rainey, a punk bike messenger, who was eventually kicked out of the house and thus off of the show by the other characters. He was a real jerk. The people on the show thought it; the millions of Americans sitting in front of the T.V. thought it too. The negative effects of The Real World were probably more influential than the straight up absurdity and goofiness of Quicksilver (another prime example of Americans remembering only the negative). It was more recent and was watched by the generation who are in the corporate workplace or are about to enter it. If watching Puck on T.V. is the closest interaction people have had with couriers than they will project his personality on to every other courier they see. Not many executives speak with couriers. Couriers usually deal with secretaries, and mail and copy room employees.
Material Culture
Only the material aspects of messenger culture have been appropriated by popular culture and lasted. (Puck tried, but was kicked off of The Real World; Quicksilver has not lasted outside of the greater bicycle community.) This is no surprise in a nation focused on consumption. Popular culture in the United States is an amazing marginalizing force. Once something is appropriated from a sub or folk culture it loses its meaning and purpose. The new function is so different from the original that the cultural connection is lost. In the case of courier bags the emphasis on functionality has been changed into fashion. Every big name fashion designer has come out with their own courier bag knock off. These are low quality compared to those made specifically for riding a bike. Look at any college campus, there are scores of people who own bike messenger bags who do not ride bikes. People buy courier bags and walk around with them bouncing off of their asses because it is trendy. (Incidentally a courier bag is designed to be worn snugly against one's mid-back to keep the load close to the body while riding.) For most there is no association between the bag and a courier. If people appreciated the functional purpose behind the design of a courier bag then maybe they would have a greater appreciation for the people that rely on them to make money. Unfortunately Americans are not that deep; they cannot transcend the meaning within appropriated material.
Cultural Association
There are two types of cyclists that couriers claim give them a bad reputation: joyriders and yahoos. Joyriders are people who buy mountain and BMX bikes and ride them around downtown as if it was their own private obstacle course. They are notorious for riding down sidewalks (something a messenger would never do for more than a few yards) and weaving through crowds of people (which messengers avoid all together because it slows them down). Joyriders like to show off, so they need an audience. Pulling stunts on a city street with people around always appears dangerous and threatening in the eyes of a pedestrian. This fear is projected indiscriminately on every cyclist they see downtown. To the layman on the street there is no difference between a show off who is jerking around and a messenger who is trying to make some money riding their bike.
A yahoo is a rookie courier. They are the product of all of the above cultural glorification. Their inexperience and brashness effect the entire messenger community. Most yahoos do not work for more than a summer or the equivalent three month period. (Veteran messengers do not even factor in summers to the number of years one has rode, for time as a courier is measured in winters.) Yahoos are notorious for getting into accidents. There are a multitude of stories about people having accidents during their first week of riding, or even on their first day. The point that veterans stressed over and over again is that just because you can ride a bike does not mean you can be a messenger.
Chapter Five
The Anthropology of Work and the Underground Economy
One afternoon I was riding with this messenger named Josh. He was complaining because his friend who works at Starbucks was not there that day. "What does this have to do with anything?" I thought. Josh proceeded to tell me that whenever he goes into Starbucks his friend hooks him up with free coffee. Then he told me how he knows someone who works at a pool hall. When he shoots pool there he gets free drinks. Josh and I met up with Gerald, another bike messenger. They started talking about doing some work on Gerald's bike. Josh offered to build some wheels on Gerald's old hubs for $30 a piece4 including new rims. Gerald said that if they were ready to go by Monday he would pay Josh $80. Josh said no problem, and he would give Gerald a new headset and some other parts.
The original idea, to investigate how couriers fit into the service sector, had faded in the early weeks of my research, but going into the last week I began to think about it again. I thought about what service employees had said to me about couriers. One older secretary told me, "They're fun!" A worker in one mail room told me, "We'd be lost without them." A deli employee who had stepped outside to take a smoke break asked me, "Don't you get cold?" A street sweeper looked at me and said, "Howya doin' brother?" (These remarks were elicited because I was riding my bike with a courier bag.)
The messenger community exists within a greater community of service workers. In the example at the top of the page there are two different relationships present. One is the bond between messengers and other service workers. The other is the bond between messengers. All service workers are at the bottom of the economic hierarchy and respect each other on that level. They work hard, are not paid much, and do not receive a lot of respect from the upper classes; these are their unifying elements. I learned that couriers build relationships with mail clerks and secretaries because they have face to face interaction on a daily basis.
Bartering, favors, deals, tips, and extra works are what define this underground economy. This is reinforced by constant face-to-face interaction between the people involved. A moral economy based on reciprocity is guided by the idiom "you reap what you sew."
The Moral Economy
A moral economy is not necessarily based on monetary compensation. Its most important features are the reciprocal bonds between the people who participate in it. Philip Mattera refers to it as "social economy." He writes,
"Some analysts of the crisis of the past dozen years have detected an increasing tendency on the part of people, especially those of the working class, to satisfy more of their economic needs without resorting to transactions with regular businesses. But unlike underground activities, which involve exchanges that are off the books, this sort of informal economy avoids the use of cash and barter. Instead, goods and services are exchanged among friends, neighbors and relatives in nonmarket activities that have been termed social economy. Reciprocity is far from absent but it is not expressed in strict monetary terms. What is involved might instead be called an informal network by which favors are regularly received."
(Mattera; 1985: 12)
Moral or social economy is basically a long winded way to describe how friends "hook each other up." Mattera goes on to say that this does not fall under his definition of underground economy because it is not necessarily secret nor can be quantified in any way. He concludes with, "It may, however, have some sociological significance in terms of the various ways people survive hard times" (Mattera; 1985: 12). This statement reveals how disconnected he is from the reality of capitalism in the United States. The social economy does not surface during hard times; it is operating all of the time. Without it the working class would have a meek existence.
Rules of Exchange
long-term/short-term All exchanges within the moral economy operate in two spheres:
"...on the one hand transactions concerned with the reproduction of the long-term social or cosmic order; on the other, a 'sphere' of short-term transactions concerned with the arena of individual competition...In each case this long-term transactional order is concerned with the attempt to maintain a static and timeless order...In each, however, cultural recognition is also explicitly given to a cycle of short-term exchanges associated with individual appropriation, competition, sensuous enjoyment, luxury and youthful vitality."
(Parry and Bloch; 1989: 24)
Though messenger and service cultures as wholes are not concerned with the order of the universe, reciprocity maintains the balance of the larger order. The long-term sphere is the sum of the group effort to preserve the moral economy for the long run. The moral (and essentially the underground) economy supplements the official income of service workers. Even though personnel turnover is relatively high in service professions the moral economy endures because the same types of short-term exchanges are repeated over and over again.
The short-term sphere concerns itself with the individual and material exchange. Couriers obtain bikes and parts which will aide them on the job, allowing them to make more deliveries and earn more money. The exchange of food, drink, and entertainment also fall within the realm of the short-term. These all serve as personal gratification; not essential for making deliveries, but a key part of the youth sub-culture which prevails among messengers.
The moral underground economy does not separate long- and short-term spheres of exchange. All interactions operate in both spheres simultaneously. "By a remarkable conceptual revolution what has uniquely happened in capitalist ideology, the argument would run, is that the values of the short-term order have become elaborated into a theory of long-term reproduction" (Parry and Bloch; 1989: 29). The repetition of the short-term exchange maintains the framework of the long-term order, and maintaining the long-term order means maintaining reciprocity, balance, and essentially morality within the underground economy.
In the example at the beginning of the chapter Josh is hooking up Gerald with a good deal on new hand build wheels. In the short-term sphere the wheels will make Gerald's bike faster and more reliable. This will give him a new edge on other messengers, so maybe he will deliver one or two more packages a day than he used to. The high quality of the new wheels is reflected by the fact that Gerald offers Josh a $20 bonus if they are ready to go by Monday. Because Josh is offered more than he was originally going to charge his friend he reciprocates the offer by "giving" Gerald some other parts for his bike. Here the long-term sphere is being maintained. Josh does not want to feel like he is ripping Gerald off, this would be immoral and could damage their relationship.
"The possibility of conversions between the two orders also has much to do with their moral evaluation. While the long-term cycle is always positively associated with the central precepts of morality, the short-term order tends to be morally undetermined since it concerns individual purposes which are largely irrelevant to the long-term order. If, however, that which is obtained in the short-term individualistic cycle is converted to serve the reproduction of the long-term cycle, then it becomes morally positive...But equally there is always the opposite possibility-and this evokes the strongest censure-the possibility that individual involvement in the short-term cycle will become an end in itself which is no longer subordinated to the reproduction of the larger cycle; or, more horrifying still, that grasping individuals will divert the resources of the long-term cycle for their own short- term transactions."
(Parry and Bloch; 1989: 26-27)
Being selfish compromises the morality of the underground economy. Selfishness occurs when an exchange is not reciprocated in anyway. The selfish party will be penalized by being cut off from part or all of the underground economy. "The mere pursuit of individual ends is harmful to the ends and peace of the whole, to the rhythm of its work and pleasures, and hence in the end to the individual" (Mauss; 1967: 75).
face-to-face interaction Personal contact is a moral check and balance in the underground economy. Knowing who someone is and seeing them on a semi-regular or regular basis makes them more accountable for their actions than if one was an anonymous store clerk. The moral standard is kept up because people know that they will be held accountable for mistakes, so couriers maintain a high level of responsibility.
Bike messengers build relationships with each other and with other service workers. Some may work in the professional realm: secretaries, mail clerks, or office managers. Others are in the retail and food realm: bar tenders, espresso jockeys, sales clerks, cooks. Being around other people all the time forces one to be hospitable because not many people want to hang out with someone who is, as my grandfather always says, a 'sour-puss.' Who wants to be around someone who is mean, angry, or otherwise difficult to get along with?
"...the relationships they create are very likely to provide social and psychological benefits to workers which may be quite as important as, or more important then, financial benefits. Fiddles5 which operate through barter rather than money have a strong social element."
(Mars; 1982: 206)
If one does not hang out and meet new people then the chances of participating in the underground economy are decreased and subsistence becomes more difficult. Once again, it is a matter of "not what you know, but who you know." "To refuse to give, or to fail to invite, is-like refusing to accept-the equivalent of a declaration of war; it is a refusal of friendship and intercourse" (Mauss; 1967: 11). Connections throughout the service sector make subsistence possible in the lower income bracket.
reciprocity This is the key to the moral economy. There is a balance between what one knows and who one knows. One needs to know a lot people to increase the odds of receiving a favor, trade, or good deal; at the same time one needs to have a skill, commodity, or opportunity to offer in return. This maintains friendship within the moral economy.
"Often payment in kind is nominal in relation to the value of the goods...Payment is often more symbolic than real: the real coin of payment is to be understood as a continuing chain of obligations and reciprocities."
(Mars; 1982: 206).
Reciprocity must come in a timely manner; especially in a group with a high turnover rate like bicycle messengers. "The gift not yet repaid debases the man who accepted it..." (Mauss; 1967: 63).
pub culture This comes out of two separate traditions which are present within courier culture: the sub-culture of youth and the sub-culture of the working class. Post-modern urban youth sub-cultures emphasize sensuous entertainment and substance. In this case the substance is alcohol. The pub tradition of the Anglo-Saxon working class was brought to Boston by the British and has been reinforced through subsequent Irish immigrations over the past two centuries. Boston has more than its fair share of Irish pubs with Guinness on tap. Today this drinking culture has been appropriated and is enjoyed by working class Americans. Bicycle messengers are a hybrid of the two drinking traditions; they are working class youth and consequently enjoy a pint or two or three with their friends after work.
Going to a pub after work reinforces face-to-face interaction. Hanging out and talking gives people the opportunity to make connections, to extend their reach into the underground economy. Gerald Mars writes,
"Drink is a medium ideally suited to encourage the growth of personal relationships. Dissipating capital in shared drinking enhances individual and group relationships-not only through the encouragement of a communal activity but also because it precludes the development of insidious and divisive differences that come from differences in capital accumulated (Douglas and Isherwood, 1978). Thus, by dematerializing money into the social and personal currency of expended drink, the system ensures that value is set not on goods but on relationships."
(Mars; 1982: 175).
Drinking provides the opportunity do someone a favor and buy them a drink. This is an appropriate reciprocal act within the messenger community (i.e. a repayment for a previous favor or deal). On the other hand, buying someone a drink is a great way to warm them before you ask them for a favor. The receiver is indebted to at least return the favor and buy their friend a drink within the near future.
Types of Exchange
There are two types of exchange within the underground economy of bicycle messengers: unofficial and alternative. Unofficial exchange is directly related to the business of being a courier. As opposed to official exchange, which is a courier's normal salary, unofficial exchange can come in the form of work off the books, tips, or other perks from a client or person who would otherwise use a messenger. Alte